Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
Any information or thoughts? Something to sink our teeth into!!
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
THE HOFFMAN WIRE
Dedicated to Freedom of the Press, Investigative Reporting and Revisionist History
Michael A. Hoffman II, Editor
August 18, 2005
Editor's Note: Through the wizardry of Kabbalistic alchemy, the world's
most hate-filled racists and Talmudic killers (the Israeli "settlers")
have, in the last week, been transformed into heart-wrenching humanists
who "must forfeit their love for the land in deference to Ariel Sharon's
noble peace plan for the Middle East." Jennifer Loewenstein deconstucts
the contours of this media farce with admirable clarity and candor.
Watching the Gazan Fiasco
The Shame of It Al
By JENNIFER LOEWENSTEIN
A great charade is taking place in front of the world media in the Gaza
Strip. It is the staged evacuation of 8000 Jewish settlers from their
illegal settlement homes, and it has been carefully designed to create
imagery to support Israel's US-backed takeover of the West Bank and
cantonization of the Palestinians.
There was never the slightest reason for Israel to send in the army to
remove these settlers. The entire operation could have been managed,
without the melodrama necessary for a media frenzy, by providing them
with a fixed date on which the IDF would withdraw from inside the Gaza
Strip. A week before, all the settlers will quietly have left -- with no
TV cameras, no weeping girls, no anguished soldiers, no commentators
asking cloying questions of how Jews could remove other Jews from their
homes, and no more trauma about their terrible suffering, the world's
victims, who therefore have to be helped to kick the Palestinians out of
the West Bank.
The settlers will relocate to other parts of Israe and in some cases to
other illegal settlements in the West Bank ?handsomely compensated for
their inconvenience. Indeed, each Jewish family leaving the Gaza Strip
will receive between $140,000 and $400,000 just for the cost of the home
they leave behind.
But these details are rarely mentioned in the tempest of reporting on
the "great confrontation" and "historical moment" brought to us by
Sharon and the thieving, murderous settler-culture he helped create.
On ABC's Nightline Monday night, a reporter interviewed a young,
sympathetic Israeli woman from the largest Gaza settlement, Neve Dekalim
- a girl with sincerity in her voice, holding back tears. She doesn't
view the soldiers as her enemy, she says, and doesn't want violence. She
will leave even though to do so is causing her great pain.
She talked about the tree she planted in front of her home with her
brother when she was three; about growing up in the house they were now
leaving, the memories, and knowing she could never return; that even if
she did, everything she knew would be gone from the scene.
The camera then panned to her elderly parents sitting somberly amid
boxed-up goods, surveying the scene, looking forlorn and resigned. Her
mother was a kindergarten teacher, we are told. She knew just about all
of the children who grew up here near the sea.
In the 5 years of Israel's brutal suppression of the Palestinian
uprising against the occupation, I never once saw or heard a segment as
long and with as much sentimental, human detail as I did here; never
once remember a reporter allowing a sympathetic young Palestinian woman,
whose home was just bulldozed and who lost everything she owned, tell of
her pain and sorrow, of her memories and her family's memories; never
got to listen to her reflect on where she would go now and how she would
And yet in Gaza alone more than 23,000 people have lost their homes to
Israeli bulldozers and bombs since September 2000 -- often at a moment's
notice on the grounds that they "threatened Israel's security."
The vast majority of the destroyed homes were located too close to an
IDF military outpost or illegal settlement to be allowed to continue
standing. The victims received no compensation for their losses and had
no place waiting for them to relocate.
Most ended up in temporary UNRWA tent-cities until they could find
shelter elsewhere in the densely overcrowded Strip, a quarter of whose
best land was inhabited by the 1% of the population that was Jewish and
occupying the land at their expense.
Where were the cameramen in May 2004 in Rafah when refugees twice over
lost their homes again in a single night's raid, able to retrieve
nothing of what they owned?
Where were they when bulldozers and tanks tore up paved streets with
steel blades, wrecked the sewage and water pipes, cut electricity lines,
and demolished a park and a zoo; when snipers shot two children, a
brother and sister, feeding their pigeons on the roof of their home?
When the occupying army fired a tank shell into a group of peaceful
demonstrators killing 14 of them including two children?
Where have they been for the past five years when the summer heat of
Rafah makes life so unbearable it is all one can do to sit quietly in
the shade of one's corrugated tin roof -- because s/he is forbidden to
go to the sea, ten minutes' walking distance from the city center. Or
because if they ventured to the more open spaces they became walking
human targets? And when their citizens resisted, where were the
accolades and the admiring media to comment on the "pluck," the "will"
and "audacity" of these "young people."
On Tuesday, 16 August, the Israeli daily Haaretz reported that more than
900 journalists from Israel and around the world are covering the events
in Gaza, and that hundreds of others are in cities and towns in Israel
to cover local reactions.
Were there ever that many journalists in one place during the past 5
years to cover the Palestinian Intifada?
Where were the 900 international journalists in April 2002 after the
Jenin refugee camp was laid to waste in the matter of a week in a show
of pure Israeli hubris and sadism?
Where were the 900 international journalists last fall when the Jabalya
refugee camp in Gaza lay under an Israeli siege and more than 100
civilians were killed? Where were they for five years while the entire
physical infrastructure of the Gaza Strip was being destroyed?
Which one of them reported that every crime of the Israeli occup from
home demolitions, targeted assassinations and total closures to the
murder of civilians and the wanton destruction of commercial and public
property- increased significantly in Gaza after Sharon's "Disengagement"
Plan - that great step toward peace - was announced?
Where are the hundreds of journalists who should be covering the many
non-violent protests by Palestinians and Israelis against the Apartheid
Non-violent protesters met with violence and humiliation by Israeli
armed forces? Where are the hundreds of journalists who should be
reporting on the economic and geographic encirclement of Palestinian
East Jerusalem and of the bisection of the West Bank and the subdivision
of each region into dozens of isolated mini-prisons?
Why aren't we being barraged by outraged reports about the Jewish-only
bypass roads? About the hundreds of pointless internal checkpoints?
About the countless untried executions and maimings? About the torture
and abuse of Palestinians in Israeli prisons?
Where were these hundreds of journalists when each of the 680
Palestinian children shot to death by Israeli soldiers over the last 5
years was laid to rest by grief-stricken family members? The shame of it
all defies words.
Now instead report after report announces the "end to the 38 year old
occupation" of the Gaza Strip, a "turning point for peace" and the news
that "it is now illegal for Israelis to live in Gaza." Is this some kind
Yes, it is "illegal for Israelis to live in the Gaza Strip" as
colonizers from another land. It has been illegal for 38 years. (If they
wish to move there and live as equals with the Palestinians and not as
Israeli citizens they may do so.)
Sharon's unilateral "Disengagement" plan is not ending the occupation of
The Israelis are not relinquishing control over the Strip.
They are retaining control of all land, air and sea borders including
the Philadelphi corridor along the Gaza/Egypt border where the Egyptians
may be allowed to patrol under Israel's watchful eye and according to
Israel's strictest terms. The 1.4 million inhabitants of Gaza remain
prisoners in a giant penal colony, despite what their partisan leaders
are attempting to claim.
The IDF is merely redeploying outside the Gaza Strip, which is
surrounded by electrical and concrete fences, barbed wire, watchtowers,
armed guards and motion censors, and it will retain the authority to
invade Gaza on a whim. Eight thousand Palestinian workers working in
Israel for slave wages will soon be banned from returning to work.
Another 3,200 Palestinians who worked in the settlements for a
sub-minimum-wage have been summarily dismissed without recourse to
severance pay or other forms of compensation.
Still others will lose their livelihoods when the Israelis move the Gaza
Industrial Zone from Erez to somewhere in the Negev desert.
The World Bank reported in December 2004 that both poverty and
unemployment will rise following the "Disengagement" even under the best
of circumstances because Israel will retain full control over the
movement of goods in and out of Gaza, will maintain an enforced
separation of the West Bank and Gaza preventing the residents of each
from visiting one another, and will draw up separate customs agreements
with each zone severing their already shattered economies-- and yet we
are forced to listen day in and day out to news about this historic
peace initiative, this great turning point in the career of Ariel
Sharon, this story of national trauma for the brothers and sisters who
have had to carry out the painful orders of their wise and besieged
What will it take to get the truth across to people? To the young woman
of Neve Dekalim who can speak her words without batting an eyelash of
embarrassment or shame?
As the cameras zoom in on angry settlers poignantly clashing with their
"brothers and sisters" in the Israeli army, who will be concerned about
their other brothers and sisters in Gaza?
When will the Palestinian history of 1948 and 1967, and of each passing
day under the violence of dispossession and dehumanization, get a
headline in our papers?
I am reminded of an interview I had this summer in Beirut with Hussein
Nabulsi of Hizbullah, an organization that has had nothing to do with
the movement for Palestinian national liberation whatsoever, but one
that has become allied with those it sees as the real victims of US and
Israeli policies and lies.
I remember his tightly shut eyes and his clenched fists as he asked how
long Arabs and Muslims were supposed to accept the accusations that they
are the victimizers and the terrorists. "It hurts," he said in a
whispered ardor. "It hurts so much to watch this injustice every day."
And he went on to explain to me why the Americans and the Israelis with
their monstrous military arsenals will never be victorious.
Jennifer Loewenstein will be a viisiting Fellow at the Refugee Studies
Centre at Oxford University beginning this fall. She can be reached:
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
This is what's been happening since the Jewish occcupation:
Jewish War Crimes
and Crimes Against Humanity
in the Middle East
Horrible as the events described in the <a href="http://www.ety.com/HRP/jewishstudies/McLellanLetter.htm">preceding three sections</a> above are, in one sense we are insulated from them - by time. The events are not happening now. They are history. Today, it is too late to hunt down the perpetrators, or almost too late. The victims are largely in their graves, their tormentors have largely joined them, the suffering is long ended, and even the first-hand memory of the suffering has almost been snuffed out. Although much work remains for historians to complete, the rest of us can go on with our lives.
However, this is not the case for the horrors described below. They are contemporary. Blood flows today. The screams of the tortured echo today. These horrors are within our power to stop, and within our power to punish. We cannot read about them and then simply go on with our lives.
Most relevant to the topic of Canadian prosecution of war criminals - the Israeli war criminals described below are still young and hale, nothing stops them from immigrating to Canada, and it is likely that some are living among us today. That aging Ukrainians are prosecuted for nothing worse than - under threat of death - reluctantly donning some German uniform and perfunctorily carrying out some conjectured duties, while young murderers and torturers with blood still fresh on their hands walk free and unpunished among us, is an incongruity that my present letter asks your Justice Department to explain.
The quotations below are all from <a href="http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/">Norman G. Finkelstein</a>, mainly from his The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996; and one from his Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict, Verso, London and New York, 1995.
Norman Finkelstein teaches international relations and political theory at City University of New York and New York University [but now teaches at DePaul Unversity./Draken]. The glowing reviews appearing on the backs of his two books are too numerous to reproduce here. Perhaps, however, the dedication in his Image and Reality provides valuable insight into his background:
To my beloved parents,
Maryla Husyt Finkelstein,
survivor of the Warsaw Ghetto,
Maidanek concentration camp
survivor of the Warsaw Ghetto,
Auschwitz concentration camp.
May I never forget or forgive
what was done to them.
Let us begin by noting a few statistics that Finkelstein provides concerning the birth of Israel:
Between 1947 and 1949, some 750,000 Palestinians were expelled as Israel declared its independence, and in June 1967 some 300,000 more Palestinians fled or were driven into exile as Israel conquered the West Bank and Gaza. Hundreds of villages were systematically razed and erased from the map. In the course of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza after June 1967, over 1,000 Palestinians - including women and children - were deported without charges or trial. Fully 50 percent of the land and 80 percent of the precious water reserves were confiscated by the Israeli government. And as deported Palestinians languished in exile, some 100,000 Jews settled in the West Bank and Gaza. All these measures - and many more routinely taken by Israel in the occupied territories - were, as one Israeli periodical euphemistically put it, "very far from the norms of international law" (Hotam, 4 August 1989).
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, p. 52)
And also a few examples of the sorts of events that constituted Israel's War of Independence:
Atrocities escalated, "no doubt precipitat[ing] the flight of communities on the path of the IDF advance" (Birth, p. 230). Consider the massacre at Ad Dawayima in late October. A soldier eyewitness described how the IDF, capturing the village "without a fight," first "killed about 80-100 [male] Arabs, women and children. The children were killed by breaking their heads with sticks. There was not a house without dead." The remaining Arabs were then closed off in houses "without food and water," as the village was systematically razed.
One commander ordered a sapper to put two old women in a certain house ... and to blow up the house with them. The sapper refused. ... The commander then ordered his men to put in the old women and the evil deed was done. One soldier boasted that he had raped a woman and then shot her. One woman, with a newborn baby in her arms, was employed to clear the courtyard where the soldiers ate. She worked a day or two. In the end they shot her and her baby.
The soldier eyewitness concluded that "cultured officers ... had turned into base murderers and this not in the heat of battle ... but out of a system of expulsion and destruction. The less Arabs remained — the better. ...
Morris reports the following (very partial) inventory of IDF atrocities committed in the October fighting, as presented to the Political Committee of Mapam:
SAFSAF — "52 men tied with a rope and dropped into a well and shot. 10 were killed. Women pleaded for mercy. [There were] 3 cases of rape. ... A girl aged 14 was raped. Another 4 were killed."
JISH — "a woman and her baby were killed. Another 11 [were killed?]." ...
(Norman G. Finkelstein, Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict, Verso, London and New York, 1995, p. 76)
Here is mention of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982:
Some two hundred Kuwaitis reportedly perished in the course of the Iraqi invasion. Approximately twenty thousand Palestinians and Lebanese perished in the course of the Israeli invasion [of Lebanon]. There was fully a hundredfold difference between the two invasions. And as the media waxed indignant over Iraq's use of horrific chemical weapons against Iran and the Kurds, they should have remembered as well Israel's use, probably illegal, of cluster bombs and phosphorus shells during the Lebanon War. In his epic memoir, Pity the Nation, veteran British correspondent Robert Fisk described two Lebanese infant victims of the phosphorus shells:
Dr. Shamaa's story was a dreadful one and her voice broke as she told it. "I had to take the babies and put them in buckets of water to put out the flames," she said. "When I took them out half an hour later, they were still burning. Even in the mortuary, they smouldered for hours." Next morning, Amal Shamaa took the tiny corpses out of the mortuary for burial. To her horror, they again burst into flames.
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, pp. 45-46)
The remaining quotations concern themselves with the intifada, to which I allocate more space because it is truly contemporary:
In fact, every expression of Palestinian "violence" I witnessed during my stay in the occupied territories was little more than symbolic, though the same could not be said for the force used to suppress it. Once, at Jalazoun refugee camp, children were burning a tire off the main road inside the camp when a car ... pulled up next to it. The doors swung open, and four men (either settlers or the army in plainclothes) jumped out, shooting with abandon in every direction. The boy beside me was shot in the back, the bullet exiting from his navel. ... Next day the Jerusalem Post reported that the army had fired in self-defense.
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, p. 2)
In the afternoon, news arrived of a massacre in Bethlehem. Infiltrating a crowd of protestors, an Israeli undercover squad disguised as tourists shot five Palestinians youths point-blank. One lay dead; the four wounded were pulled by their hair along the pavement to the army depot. As the terrified crowd dispersed, the civilian-clad assassins laughed and joked with the assassins in uniform.
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, pp. 42-43)
A thousand-page Save the Children study, The Status of Palestinian Children during the Uprising, exhaustively documented the "indiscriminate beating, teargassing, and shooting of children." More than 150 Palestinian children have been killed since the beginning of the intifada, including at least 37 below the age of six. The average age was ten. A majority, the study found, were not even participating in a stone-throwing demonstration when shot dead, and four-fifths of the gunshot victims were "obstructed or delayed by the army" as they sought emergency medical treatment. Funerals were "violently disrupted or interfered with" by the army. More than fifty thousand Palestinian children required medical attention for tear-gas inhalation, multiple fractures, and so on, during the first two years of the intifada; nearly half were ten years old or younger. The study also found that "the vast majority of soldiers responsible for the child casualties have been neither censured nor punished." Indeed, only the few cases that received press coverage were even being investigated.
A B'Tselem (Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories) study, Violence against Minors in Police Detention, found that "illegal violence against minors, ... many [of whom] are innocent of any crime, ... occurs on a large scale." Severe beatings, including "slapping, punching, kicking, hair pulling, beatings with clubs or with iron rods, pushing into walls and onto floors," were said to be "very common." The study also highlighted more novel methods for interrogating minors:
Beating the detainee as he is suspended in a closed sack covering the head and tied around the knees; tying the detainee in a twisted position to an outdoor pipe with hands behind the back for hours and, sometimes, in the rain, at night, and during the hot daytime hours; confining the detainee, sometimes for a few days, in the "lock-up" — a dark, smelly and suffocating cell one and a half by one and a half meters [five by five feet]; placing the detainee, sometimes for many hours, in the "closet" — a narrow cell the height of a person in which one can stand but not move; and depositing the tied-up detainee for many hours in the "grave" — a kind of box, closed by a door from the top, with only enough room to crouch and no toilet.
Israeli press and human rights reports put flesh and blood on the data. The 1 April 1988 issue of Hotam reported the case of a ten-year-old beaten so black and blue during an army interrogation that he was left "looking like a steak." The soldiers "weren't bothered" even when they later learned that the boy was deaf, mute, and mentally retarded. The 13 July 1988 issue of Koteret Rashit reported the "disappearance of 25 children" and jail threats to their parents for "annoying" the army about the children's whereabouts. The 19 August 1988 issue of Hadashot featured three photos of a blindfolded six-year-old in an army jeep. The caption reported that many children his age would be held in detention until "ransoms" of several hundred dollars were paid, and that, as they were carted away, the children often urinated in their pants "from fear." Under the heading "Deliberate Murder," the August 1989 bulletin for the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rights reported that the Israeli army (apparently sharpshooters from "special units") had targeted an "increasing" number of Palestinian children in leadership roles. "Carefully chosen," the victim was usually shot in the head or heart and died almost instantaneously. Dr. Haim Gordon of the Israeli Association for Human Rights reported the case of an eight-year-old tortured by soldiers after refusing to reveal which of his friends had thrown stones. Stripped naked, hung by his legs and brutally beaten, the boy was then pushed to the edge of a rooftop before being released (cited in the January 1990 bulletin of the Israeli League). The 15 January 1990 issue of Hadashot reported the case of a thirteen-year-old who was thrown into detention after his fingers were deliberately broken and who was then left without any medical treatment or food because his father was unable to pay the ransom of 750 dollars. The 26 January 1990 issue of Davar reported the case of a sixteen-year-old girl who was beaten by a club-wielding policeman ("He even tried to push the club between my legs") and then thrashed in prison for refusing to sign a confession. The 29 June 1990 issue of Hotam reported the case of a thirteen-year-old detainee who, refusing to supply incriminating evidence against his brother, was "smashed" in the face, had "bruise marks on his entire body," was not allowed to drink or eat "for hours," and was forced to "urinate and defecate in his pants."
Reporting on the grisly fate of Palestinians as young as fourteen arrested on "suspicion of stone-throwing," the 24 February 1992 issue of Hadashot quoted an inside source at the Hebron detention center:
What happened there ... was plain horror: they would break their clubs on the prisoners' bodies, hit them in the genitals, tie a prisoner up on the cold floor and play soccer with him — literally kick and roll him around. Then they'd give him electric shocks, using the generator of a field telephone, and then push him out to stand for hours in the cold and rain.... They would crush the prisoners, ... turning them into lumps of meat.
Another source inside the center was quoted to the effect that the "tortures recall what is being inflicted in the cellars of Damascus's prisons."
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, pp. 47-49)
Israel's High Court proved to be a willing accomplice of the conquest regime in the West Bank and Gaza. The Fourth Geneva Convention explicitly prohibited the destruction of private property except "where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations" and also explicitly forbade collective punishment. Yet the High Court ruled that house demolitions in the occupied territories were permissible, even claiming that "there is no basis to the claim that house demolition is a collective punishment." The Fourth Geneva Convention explicitly prohibited an occupying power from resettling its "own civilian population in territory it occupies." Yet the High Court either ruled that Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza were legal or refused to hear challenges to their legality. International law stipulated that an occupier could not institute new taxes in the territory under its control. Yet the High Court ruled that the arbitrary value-added tax imposed on the occupied territories in 1976 was permissible. ...
Israeli military courts had jurisdiction over all "security-related" (and most significant civil) cases involving Palestinians in the occupied territories. Suspects could be detained without trial for a period of eighteen days. The decision to renew detention was typically based on information supplied by the military prosecutor. Applications for release on bail were "almost never accepted." Suspects had "absolutely no right of legal representation." When representation was allowed, the lawyer was not permitted to visit his client until the interrogation had been completed. Trial proceedings barely rose to the level of farce. The "overwhelming majority" of convictions were decided on the basis of confessions "usually obtained under duress" and "almost invariably written in Hebrew," a language "few Palestinians could speak or read." Administrative detention allowed for imprisonment without charge, evidence, or trial for as much as a year.
Official Israeli rules of engagement allowed for the killing of a Palestinian simply for wearing a mask, hoisting a flag, erecting a barricade (which often consisted of no more than a few rocks and overturned garbage bins), or ignoring an order to halt. They also allowed for the virtually unrestricted use of lethal plastic bullets and the summary execution of "wanted" Palestinians. All these orders were in contravention of international law that sanctioned the use of lethal force only in life-threatening situations and then only if there was no recourse except to lethal force. As Middle East Watch concluded, official Israeli policies and practices "effectively condone  the unjustified killing of Palestinians."
The guidelines just cited on the use of lethal force were the official ones. The unofficial or de facto rules of engagement were yet more lax, as was evident from the record on investigations and convictions of Israelis accused of killings. More than seven hundred Palestinians had been, in the course of the intifada through December 1989, shot dead by Israeli security forces. Yet not one Israeli soldier was indicted on a murder charge, and only two were indicted on manslaughter charges. A tiny handful were indicted on lesser charges such as illegal use of weapons. The fewer than ten soldiers convicted in connection with killings of Palestinians received punishments ranging from an official reprimand to eighteen months' imprisonment. ... By way of contrast, Amnesty International reported that Palestinians received sentences of up to five years' imprisonment for simply throwing a stone.
Reviewing the notorious case of a Gazan brutally beaten to death by Israeli soldiers (none of the accused was indicted on a major criminal charge or served more than five months in prison), the prominent Israeli advocate Avigdor Feldman concluded: "The illegality in the Territories is total. Everyone - regardless of echelon, regardless of disagreement on every other conceivable topic - is of a mind on one matter: the value of an Arab's life is equal to zero."
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, pp. 51-52)
Recalling his stint as a guard in Gaza Beach, "one of the best" Israeli internment camps for Palestinians, Israeli journalist Ari Shavit expatiated on [his experiences] with rare candor and insight:
Most [Palestinians] are awaiting trial; most were arrested because they were throwing stones or were said to be members of illegal organizations. Many are in their teens. Among them, here and there, are some boys who are small and appear to be very young.... The prison has twelve guard towers. Some Israeli soldiers are struck - and deeply shaken - by the similarity between these and certain other towers, about which they have learned at school .... Maybe the Shin Bet [secret police] is to blame for this - for the arrests it makes and what it does to those arrested. For almost every night, after it has managed, in its interrogations, to "break" a certain number of young men, the Shin Bet delivers to the [soldiers] a list with the names of friends of the young men.... [Then] the soldiers ... go out almost every night to the city and ... come back with children of fifteen or sixteen years of age. The children grit their teeth. Their eyes bulge from their sockets. In not a few cases they have already been beaten ... And soldiers crowd together in the "reception room" to look at them when they undress. To look at them in their underwear, to look at them as they tremble with fear. And sometimes they kick them - one kick more, before they put on their new prison clothes ... Or maybe the doctor is to blame. You wake him up in the middle of the night to treat one of those just brought in - a young man, barefoot, wounded, who looks as if he's having an epileptic fit, who tells you that they beat him just now on the back and stomach and over the heart. There are ugly red marks all over his body. The doctor turns to the young man and shouts at him. In a loud, raging voice he says: May you die! And then he turns to me with a laugh: May they all die! Or maybe the screams are to blame. At the end of the watch, ... you sometimes hear terrible screams ... from the other side of the ... fence of the interrogation section, ... hair-raising human screams. Literally hair-raising .... In Gaza our General Security Services therefore amount to a Secret Police, our internment facilities are cleanly run Gulags. Our soldiers are jailers, our interrogators torturers. ... Thus in the forty months of the intifada, more than ten thousand Israeli citizens in uniform have walked between the fences, have heard the screams, have seen the young being led in and out. ... And the country has been quiet. Has flourished ... Ten thousand (if not fifteen thousand, if not twenty thousand) Israelis have done their work faithfully - have opened the heavy iron doors of the isolation cell and then closed it. Have led the man from the interrogation chamber to the clinic, from the clinic back to the interrogation chamber. They have looked close up at people shitting in terror, pissing in fear. And not one among them has begun a hunger strike in front of the house of the prime minister. Not one among them that I know of has said, This will not happen. Not in a Jewish state.
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, pp. 71-73)
Just as Germans for generations to come would have to bear the burden of Nazism, so Jews for many generations to come would have to bear the burden of Israel's merciless assault against the Palestinian people. Just as Germany's name was now inextricably linked, not just with Beethoven and Brecht, but with Hitler and Himmler, so the Jewish people's name would now be inextricably linked, not just with Marx and Menuhin, but with Sharon and Shamir. Israel's terroristic war against the Palestinians had also besmirched the memory of the six million Jewish martyrs.
(Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London, 1996, p. 16)
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
Always good info Drak.
A good friend and mentor was the personal bodygaurd for General "Boy" Browning (parachute regiment) who was administrating Palestine just after WW2.
The sympathy from the propaganda after the war ensured that British soldiers who were meant to be containing Jewish immagration, on the whole, refused to stop them coming in. They would catch them on the beaches and simply let them go or drop their weapon and make a noise so the groups could scurry away into the darkness.
Even with the great deal of sympathy directed at the immigrants it did'nt stop the "Stern Gang" from murdering British soldiers and doing everything they could to knock off General Browning.
Bernard would tell how ruthless they were even though the British soldiers did not want to fight them and indeed showed grat acts of kindness...guilt was running high after the war. A potent weapon of the propagandist.
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
I agree with the analysis at www.cuttingedge.org
They are creating a ghetto for the Palestianians and will eventually wipe them out during the next Middle East war.
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
Anytime they offer you one hand in friendship, look behind their backs for the other concealing a very sharp knife.
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
They make no move or take no action until they are sure the outcome will be favorable for them.
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
<a href="http://home.att.net/~professorboris/SPECTRE/Galena_Crier/galena_town_crier2.htm">Exclusive: Shocking Details on Israeli snipers</a>
May 19, 2004 1:35 PM EST
By Jack Gerard
This week has seen a brutal assault on refugee camps in southern Gaza. Reports are coming in of Palestinian of up to 50 dead , 42 critical and 100's maimed.
Asmaa Mughayer, 14, and her brother Ahmed, 11, were shot dead yesterday on the roof of their three story flat. Their crime ? Asmma was getting the laundry and her brother went along to feed his pigeons.Their uncle, Mahmoud Mughayer, said that they was no fighting in the immediate area so they thought it was safe.
[img align=right]http://home.att.net/~professorboris/SPECTRE/Galena_Crier/galena17.jpg[/img]Their elder brother, Ali, 24, had shouted at them to come down because it was dangerous. When he heard no response, he climbed the steps to find his sister and brother lying dead in a pool of blood. Mughayer said: "The snipers fired at him, too. He lay on the ground, and slowly crept, pulling them one after another to the third floor."
The uncle , who could barely talk , said " These were not mujahideen or terrorists but merely children "
The Israeli Army reported that they were killed by an explosive device likely meant for Israeli troops.
At the Rafah hospital
Dr Ahmed Abu Nkaria, who calls the Jews dirty liars, insists on proving the manner of their killing. He pulls Asma's body from the mortuary's refrigeration unit and fumbles through the teenager's hair to reveal the hole where the bullet entered above one right ear and destroyed the left side of her head as it exited. These wounds reflect the standard 308 caliber which is standard for IDF snipers.
He points to the corpse of another youth in the cold-store."This is Ibrahim Alqun. He is 14 years old. He was shot in the back of the head. The bullet came out of his right eye," he says. The child's face is badly mutilated by the wound.
Dr Ali Moussa is as furious at Israel's assertion that almost all the 20 or more people killed during the army's seizure of the Tel al-Sultan district of the Rafah refugee camp were armed men.
"They are liars, liars, liars, because these children have bullet wounds to the head. There is no doubt about it," he says.
A 3-year-old girl was shot dead Saturday in the camp's Brazil neighborhood. Palestinian hospital officials said the child was killed by a gunshot to the head as she walked to a shop.
"We were playing in the house when she told me she wanted some candy," said her brother Diyab Abu Zeid, 19, crying uncontrollably on the telephone. "The older kids in the neighborhood were going to the store so I let her go with them.
Re: Is Anyone Following the Gaza Strip Situation?
<a href="http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Snipers.htm">The confusing world of an IDF sniper</a>
IDF snipers ... " A special breed "
[img align=right]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn49.jpg[/img][img align=right]http://judicial-inc.biz/6yr_ol25.jpg[/img]
Snipers are used during IDF raids
Before the IDF begins a assault they plant snipers on roof tops.
IDF plant snipers in empty buildings
The night before the raid
As in the Balata camp the IDF inserted 22 crack snipers. Most were placed on rooftops but some were put into Arab apartments.
Balata refugee camp
A typical ' Kill '
This was Sgt Sholmo Penski's first kill. It was a 200 yard shot with a 14 MPH wind. He use a Galil sniper rifle with a 4x to 12x Bausch and Lomb scope.[img align=right]http://judicial-inc.biz/6yr_ol22.jpg[/img]
It's not always glamorous
Sometimes nature calls and you have to make the best of it
Often the young pranksters defecate in a bucket and then mix it with urine.
Then the rascals will throw it on the Arabs cloth's line wash or in their rooftop watertanks.[img align=left]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn45.jpg[/img] [img align=left]http://judicial-inc.biz/6yr_ol7.jpg[/img] [img align=left]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn46.jpg[/img]
The IDF is not all ' Guns and bullets '
[img align=left]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn50.jpg[/img]On 31 December 2001
The Israeli soldiers stationed on the roof of the Palestinian woman Naziha Abu Dahood broke into her bedroom early in the morning. She was alone with a sick child when she saw the Israeli soldier exposing his penis and telling her that he "had a big one for her which is better than the small one she had".
When he husband tried to stop the soldiers they killed him. He denies all charges[img align=left]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn60.jpg[/img]
Loyal Jewish settlers bring the boys a present
<a href="http://s023.dyndns.org/kawther/K20030426A.html">Dr. Tayseer</a>
During the nights, the Jewish squatters used to bring drugs for the soldiers on my roof.
[img align=right]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn55.jpg[/img][img align=right]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn2.jpg[/img]
Col Abraham Melnick
" These charges are absurd "
An IDF man will always make do
There is plenty of time for romance according to Dr Zahdeh
The soldiers were giving each other drug injections.
After that they would sit on the floor breathing heavily for hours, later often making sex with each other. Sometimes they would make sex with soldier women, but it was more common to to see the men have anal sex with each other.
Most nights when they had no sex, they would resort to shouting abuse at me and "asking" me to have sex with them. They would continue making noise in this way until the morning.
He saw them taking heroine injections in front of his private room, were he and his family hid themselves from the soldiers. Dr. Zahdeh also saw them fucking each other.
He took the used syringes and used them to back the story, but the military commander said that these syringes were used by Dr. Tayseer. The commander forgot that the IDF syringes have a special colour which is not allowed to be used by Palestinians.
A brewing scandal
Jerusalem Post Daily
January 12, 2003
New recruits are now reporting sexual abuse.
It seems that IDF snipers on long assignments are requesting spotters. Their only qualification is ' Good looks '. Sounds like ' Boy Toys ' to this reporter.
Seth Malatov has an accident
" Sometimes an overdose can hurt "
Through one event on my roof, one soldier fell from the roof. He was breathing with difficulty and raving on the street the as if he was dying. I called the IDF headquarter and asked for a military ambulance to take this soldier.
When the unit officer came to check the story, the soldier claimed that he was having an ”epilepsy attack”.
Things can get a ' Little rough ' on new recruit '
IDF Pvt Rachel Vetroyski
Jerusalem Post Online
An ambulance was brought to a Ramallah checkpoint. Rachel was rushed to Jerusalem hospital where her mother is waiting. Doctors said she appeared to be suffering from a esctacy overdose.
She had severe trauma and was incoherent. Possible rape charges[img align=left]http://judicial-inc.biz/IDF_Sn65.jpg[/img]
The IDF cracks down
1. Settlers smuggle drugs in sandals 2. Israelis make arrest 3. Middlemen
<a href="http://home.att.net/~professorboris/SPECTRE/Galena_Crier/galena_town_crier2.htm">Sniper article from Gaza</a>
<a href="http://home.att.net/~professorboris/SPECTRE/Galena_Crier/St_Louis.htm">Israelis shoot zoo animals</a>
<a href="http://judicial-inc.biz/6yr_old_neck.htm">IDF Sniper Shoots 7-year Old</a>
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